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Evidence-Based War Stories
Frank Domurad
Vice-President
The Carey Group, Inc.
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The recent leaks of the classified National
Intelligence Estimate on Global Terrorism have made one thing clear
about the war in Iraq. Those who control the war stories in essence
control the war. For three years now the Bush Administration has been
avidly seeking to create a narrative concerning the war that makes sense
to both the American public and moderate Muslims around the world. For
the most part it has failed in its efforts. At home it has come to rely
on a message without content, namely “staying the course.” Abroad it has
advocated the spread of democracy and freedom in an Islamic world that
still sees the United States as a modern-day Crusader. The result, in
the words of the Estimate, has been a conflict in Iraq that has “become
the ‘cause celebre’ for jihadists, breeding a deep resentment of US
involvement in the Muslim world and cultivating supporters for the
global jihadist movement.”
While the war on terrorism might seem remote from efforts to implement
evidence-based practices and management in public, private and
not-for-profit organizations on Main Street, its lesson about war
stories should not be taken lightly. Any effort to bring about
organizational change will be a struggle over discourse and narrative,
over the stories that get told around the water cooler, at social
events, and to one’s friends and family. Karl Weick in his book
Sensemaking1
emphasizes the pivotal role of storytelling in dealing with the
complexity and confusion engendered by any disruption of established
behavioral patterns. He argues that appropriate stories reduce the
pressure experienced by individuals involved in a process of
organizational change, simplify and make manageable the task at hand,
and reduce the element of surprise by anticipating the future in
comprehensible terms. In effect, they allow us to make sense of what is
happening.
In the field of criminal justice and corrections the dominant narrative
contradicts what research over the last thirty years has shown to be
evidence-based. If the goal is to change juvenile delinquent and adult
offender behavior and reduce recidivism, then we know that traditional
punishment does not work, and in many instances even makes matters
worse. What is an effective public safety intervention is treating those
individual and environment factors that are “criminogenic” in nature,
such as anti-social values and beliefs, anti-social peers, and
dysfunctional families. By focusing on these so-called criminogenic
needs and using cognitive-behavioral and behavioral techniques,
correctional agencies are achieving average reductions in recidivism of
thirty percent and more. Yet this country continues to lock up juveniles
and adult offenders without treatment by the hundreds of thousands as
its primary solution to crime.
The war stories in criminal justice that are told to justify such
seemingly irrational actions rest upon a distorted notion of harm.
Supposedly the reason that we have so much crime, that sex offenders run
rampant on our streets, and that our children are placed at risk on the
way to school is that we do not punish enough. Whenever a particularly
heinous incident occurs, the political hue and cry arises for tougher
accountability, longer incarcerative sentences, and an abolishment of
parole. But if evidence-based research is any indicator, true harm in
terms of public safety does not come from a failure to punish enough; it
comes from implementing punitive sanctions that actually increase rather
than reduce recidivism.
One successful example where correctional professionals took charge of
their own narrative and created war stories based on evidence and not
prejudice is occurring in the Giddings State School in Texas2
. In a state not known for coddling juvenile delinquents, the Giddings
School works with the worst of the worst—young men and women convicted
of attempted murder, rape and aggravated assault. Over the course of two
or more years it surrounds these youth in a therapeutic community based
on behavioral accountability and cognitive-behavioral treatment. The
officials who run Giddings have paid particular attention to changing
the language that defines an evidence-based environment. All staff,
whatever their level from psychiatrists with PhDs to kitchen staff with
a high school education, refer to the clients as “students,” “boys and
girls,” or even “kids.” In turn, the juveniles call each other
“students” and “peers.” Here harm is not seen as the lack of punishment,
but the absence of effective treatment. In the words of a former State
School Superintendent, “the bottom line is public safety, and I can tell
you, I’d much rather have a kid who has been through the program at
Giddings move in next to me than I would a kid who was just released
from prison and is coming out meaner, angrier, and dumber than when he
went in.” Apparently he knows of what he speaks because the rearrest
rate for Giddings “kids” is only ten percent, compared to national youth
authority averages of over 60 percent.
So be it the war on terror or the war on crime, the bottom line is that
in order to do evidence-based practices, we must also craft
evidence-based war stories. It is simply a pathway to disaster to let
the jihadists define for us the nature of victory and defeat. It is
equally dangerous for the common weal to rest the edifice of public
safety upon stories that justify the efficacy of punishment in the face
of research-based treatment that actually works.
Notes:
1. Weick, Karl E. Sensemaking in
Organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 1995.
2. Hubner, John. Last Change in Texas.
The Redemption of Criminal Youth. New York: Random House, 2005.
References:
Domurad, Frank.
Doing
Evidence-Based Practices Ain't for Sissies
. Community Corrections
Report, 12:4, May/June 2005, pp. 49-50; 61-63.
Domurad, Frank.
Hear No Evil,
See No Evil, Speak No Evil: The Ethical Imperative of Evidence-Based
Practices
.
Community Corrections Report, 13:1, November/December
2005, pp. 1-2; 9-12.
Posted on October 2, 2006
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